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Britain and France Are on Brink of Recognizing Palestinian Statehood

August 2, 2025 | FlaglerLive | 1 Comment

Visible in this image is an artist's recreation of the West Bank apartheid wall which guests of the encampment are invited to draw on. In the background are buildings belonging to Reuben College and the Bodleian Library's Radcliffe Science Library.
The Oxford Palestine solidarity encampment on the lawn of the Oxford University Museum of Natural History in 2024. Visible in this image is an artist’s recreation of the West Bank apartheid wall which guests of the encampment are invited to draw on. In the background are buildings belonging to Reuben College and the Bodleian Library’s Radcliffe Science Library. (Wikimedia Commons)

By Malak Benslama-Dabdoub

The UK will formally recognise the state of Palestine in September unless Israel acts to end the “appalling situation” in Gaza. After an emergency cabinet meeting, Downing Street released a statement saying the UK would recognise Palestine unless Israel committed to a long-term sustainable peace, allowed the UN to restart humanitarian support, agreed to a ceasefire, and made clear there would be no annexations in the West Bank.

The statement also reiterated the UK’s demand for Hamas to release all remaining Israeli hostages, accept a ceasefire, disarm and play no further part in the government of Gaza.

The UK’s decision follows a pledge by French president Emmanuel Macron on July 24 to formally recognise Palestinian statehood statehood in September. If this is acted upon, France and the UK would be the first G7 members and the first members of the UN security council to recognise the state of Palestine.

Recognition of statehood is not merely symbolic. The Montevideo convention of 1933 established several criteria which must apply before an entity can be recognised as a sovereign state. These are a permanent population, a defined territory, an effective government and the ability to conduct international relations.

The process involves the establishment of formal diplomatic relations, including the opening of embassies, the exchange of ambassadors, and the signing of bilateral treaties. Recognition also grants the recognised state access to certain rights in international organisations. For Palestinians, such recognition will strengthen their claim to sovereignty and facilitate greater international support.

This decision by France and the UK is significant. It signals a departure from the western consensus, long shaped by the US and the EU, that any recognition of Palestinian statehood must be deferred until after final-status negotiations. The move also highlights growing frustration in parts of Europe with the ongoing violence in Gaza and the failure of peace talks over the past two decades.

Yet questions remain: what does this recognition actually entail? Will it change conditions on the ground for Palestinians? Or is it largely symbolic?

So far, the French and British governments have offered no details on whether recognition would be accompanied by concrete measures. There has been no mention of sanctions on Israel, no indication of halting arms exports, no pledges of increased humanitarian aid or support for Palestinian governance institutions. France and the UK remain key military and economic partners of Israel, and the pledges do not appear to alter that relationship.

Nor is this the first time western countries have taken a symbolic stance in support of Palestinian statehood. Sweden recognised the state of Palestine in 2014, becoming the first western European country to do so. It was followed by Spain in 2024.

However, both moves were largely symbolic and did not significantly alter the political or humanitarian situation on the ground. The risk is that recognition, without action, becomes a gesture that changes little.

Macron’s statement also raised eyebrows for another reason: his emphasis on a “demilitarised Palestinian state” living side-by-side with Israel in peace and security. While such language is common in diplomatic discourse, it also reflects a deeper tension.

Palestinians have long argued that their right to self-determination includes the right to defend themselves against occupation. Calls for demilitarisation are often seen by critics as reinforcing the status quo, where security concerns are framed almost exclusively in terms of Israeli needs.

In the absence of a genuine political process, some analysts have warned that recognition of this kind risks formalising a state in name only – a fragmented, non-sovereign entity without control over its borders, resources or defence. Without guarantees of territorial continuity, an end to the expansion of Israeli settlements and freedom of movement, statehood may remain an abstract concept.

What would meaningful support look like?

If the UK and France want to go beyond symbolism, they have options. They could suspend arms exports to Israel or call for an independent international investigation into alleged war crimes. They could use the influence on the world stage to push for greater accountability regarding illegal settlements and the blockade of Gaza. They could also support Palestinian institutions directly and engage with Palestinian civil society.

Without such steps, recognition risks being viewed as a political message more than a policy shift. For Palestinians, the daily realities of occupation, displacement and blockade will not change with diplomatic announcements alone. What is needed, many argue, is not just recognition but support for justice, rights and meaningful sovereignty.

The pledged recognition of Palestine by France and the UK marks a shift in diplomatic tone and reflects broader unease with the status quo in the Middle East. It has stirred debate at home and abroad, and raised expectations among those hoping for more robust international engagement with the conflict.

Whether this recognition leads to meaningful changes in policy or conditions on the ground remains to be seen. Much will depend on the steps the UK and France take next – both at the United Nations and through their actions on trade, security and aid.

Malak Benslama-Dabdoub is a Lecturer in law at Royal Holloway University of London.

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Comments

  1. Pogo says

    August 3, 2025 at 7:45 am

    @More good news
    https://www.bing.com/search?q=arab+league+says+hamas+must+go

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