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Inaccuracy of Terms: ‘Arab-Israeli Conflict’

October 30, 2024 | FlaglerLive | 4 Comments

The list of countries involved in ongoing hostilities is widening.
The list of countries involved in ongoing hostilities is widening. (Keith Binns via Getty Images)

By Nader Habibi

The current phase of fighting in the Middle East began almost a year ago, with the Oct. 7, 2023, attack by Hamas and the subsequent pummeling of Gaza by Israel. But to many academics, foreign policy experts and international observers, what is taking place is also the latest episode in the decadeslong conflict commonly referred to as the “Arab-Israeli conflict.”




The experience of the past 11 months has led many experts on the region like myself to reassess that term. Is “Arab-Israeli conflict” an accurate reflection, given that the active participants are no longer just Arabs and Israelis? Should we retire that term for good now that the conflict has widened, drawing in the United States and Iran – and potentially Turkey and others in the coming years?

How it all began

The Arab-Israeli conflict began after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire in 1922. In what is now Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories, but was then the Palestine mandate under British rule, sporadic disputes over land ownership led to violence between the Jewish and Palestinian Arab communities.

When Israel declared independence in 1948, the conflict expanded into an interstate war between Israel and several Arab countries – Egypt, Jordan, Iraq, Lebanon and Syria. Hence it was named the Arab-Israeli War by both the media and political leaders at the time.

This name remained accurate for several decades as the conflict remained geopolitically and geographically confined to the Arab countries and Israel.

After the initial 1948 war, the unresolved conflict resulted in several other wars between Israel and Arab countries. Some oil-exporting Arab countries, such as Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, also became indirectly involved by providing financial support for the front-line Arab states and declared oil embargoes against the West during the 1967 and 1973 wars.




Iraq was also directly affected by this prolonged conflict in the 1980s when Israel destroyed its nuclear facilities. Subsequently Iraq targeted Israel with missiles several times in 1991 during the first Gulf War.

Going beyond the Arab world

The phrase “Arab-Israeli conflict” isn’t heard as much these days, but it’s still commonly in use, including by the United Nations, the United States government, media outlets and many scholars of the region.

Usage of ‘Arab-Israeli conflict’ has declined in recent years

Google Ngram showing percentage of sample books (y-axis) that contain selected phrases since 1948.

 

However, reference to “Arab-Israeli conflict” obscures the active role of several other participants, particularly in recent decades.

The U.S. diplomatic support for Israel began with President Harry Truman’s decision to be the first to recognize the new state in May 1948. This was followed in the 1960s by an increase in U.S. military and financial support during Lyndon Johnson’s presidency.

Substantial U.S. arms transfers to Israel also occurred in September 1970 when, at President Richard Nixon’s request, Israel mobilized its forces to save King Hussein of Jordan from a Palestinian uprising aided by Syrian forces.




In the following decades, however, the role of the U.S. has expanded into direct involvement in air defense operations against missile and drone attacks against Israel. The U.S. Army air defense units, for example, were used to defend Israel against Iraq’s scud missile attacks as early as the 1990-91 Gulf War.

This U.S. participation has been in evidence since the Oct. 7 attacks, too. In the months after the attacks, U.S. operations have been conducted against missile and drone attacks launched toward Israel by the Houthis in Yemen and by Iran.

By all accounts, the U.S. military support for Israel has played a crucial role in Israel’s military superiority over its neighbors. Therefore, an appropriate name for the broader conflict, I would argue, should reflect this active U.S. participation.

On the “Arab” side of the conflict, too, the adversaries of Israel are no longer limited to Arab nations. Iran is now an active participant; Tehran not only provides military support for groups hostile to Israel, including Hamas, Houthis and Hezbollah, but it has had direct military exchanges with Israel during the current Gaza war.

Furthermore, Iran and Israel have been involved in covert operations and cyberwars against each other for the past 15 years, which have only intensified since the Israel-Hamas war.

Risk of Turkish involvement?

And with no resolution to the current fighting in sight, the chances of widening the conflict further shouldn’t be dismissed. Two possible scenarios that can widen this conflict are a serious escalation between Israel and Iran, and the active participation of Turkey.

The intense Israeli bombardment of Gaza and the resulting high casualties have escalated tensions between Israel and Turkey. President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and politicians from various Turkish political parties have been very vocal in their criticism of Israel’s military operations.

Public anger and anti-Israeli sentiments in Turkey have reached high levels, partly as a result of the extensive coverage of the carnage and human suffering in Gaza. There is even a small possibility that an unexpected event, such as an encounter between the Israeli navy and a Turkish ship approaching Gaza to defy Israel’s naval blockade, might lead to a military exchange between Turkey and Israel. While the likelihood of such an exchange remains small, a military escalation between Israel and Turkey could also be triggered by a major Israeli operation in Lebanon, according to some experts.



The ‘MENA-ISRAME conflict’?

Almost a year into the latest phase of fighting in the Middle East, it is clear that the label “Arab-Israeli conflict” no longer reflects the facts on the ground. But “Israeli-Palestinian” or “Gaza-Israeli” fail to take into account the growing number of countries that have a stake – or an active role – in the fighting.

Indeed, in the course of the current Gaza conflict, people have been killed in Jordan, Iraq, Lebanon, Syria, Yemen and Iran. Similarly, the list of belligerents includes Hamas and Israel, but also a plethora of Iran-backed militias across the Middle East and the Arab Peninsula.

So where does that leave us?

A more accurate title for the ongoing hostilities needs to better reflect all the major participants.

On one side, we have several nonstate actors and governments from across the Middle East and North Africa, or “MENA,” as the region is commonly called. On the other side we have an Israel heavily reliant on the U.S. for its military prowess and protection, and a United States that is fully committed to the security of Israel. I believe any name for the conflict should acknowledge the U.S. participation.

So, in my opinion, it is better to call this the “MENA-ISRAME conflict” – in which “ISRAME” is constructed by combining the first three letters of “Israel” and “America.”

I acknowledge that it is a bit of a mouthful and unlikely to catch on. But a name that reflects the larger set of participants in the Arab-Israeli conflict is nonetheless needed. It will increase awareness of the destruction, suffering and financial burden that it has inflicted on all the involved countries over its lifetime.

By doing so, it might increase the willingness of the world community, especially the active participants, to put more efforts toward finding a solution that can bring the MENA-ISRAME conflict to an end.

Nader Habibi is Henry J. Leir Professor of Practice in Economics of the Middle East at Brandeis University.

The Conversation arose out of deep-seated concerns for the fading quality of our public discourse and recognition of the vital role that academic experts could play in the public arena. Information has always been essential to democracy. It’s a societal good, like clean water. But many now find it difficult to put their trust in the media and experts who have spent years researching a topic. Instead, they listen to those who have the loudest voices. Those uninformed views are amplified by social media networks that reward those who spark outrage instead of insight or thoughtful discussion. The Conversation seeks to be part of the solution to this problem, to raise up the voices of true experts and to make their knowledge available to everyone. The Conversation publishes nightly at 9 p.m. on FlaglerLive.
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Reader Interactions

Comments

  1. Samuel L. Bronkowitz says

    October 31, 2024 at 6:59 am

    I think pulling america into this as the primary enabler of this behavior is 100% on point. The middle east is one of 4 walls into the old Soviet union and recognizing Israel as a legitimate state was done entirely out of a need to secure a staging ground and partner in the cold war. The tradeoff for that, of course, was to create a state that right now is mimicking the behavior of what it’s people were originally escaping from. Irony aside, instead of stepping in and stopping things the american solution has been to escalate, enable, and publicly support. We’ve joined the Axis in this and it’s incredibly disheartening to see boomers, the closest generation to the Holocaust, go all-out for Zionism and genocide by voting for parties that are ok with this, regardless of the crocodile tears, hopes, and prayers.

  2. Pogo says

    October 31, 2024 at 9:31 am

    @Nader Habibi

    So, electing Trump to dictator, so Ali Khamenei, Vladimir Putin, Kim Jong-un, Xi Jinping can get together means nothing to you?

    Hatred is active displeasure, envy passive. We need not wonder that envy turns too soon to hatred.
    — Johann Wolfgang von Goethe

    1
  3. R.S. says

    October 31, 2024 at 11:56 am

    Maybe the term “ISRAME” should be expanded to “ISRAMEGERM” because Germany supplies about 30 percent of the weapons that feed into the genocide. On the other hand, the world should also include the Arab-Israelis, who are part of the conflict. Cases in point: the Israeli-Arab family that was denied entrance to Israel when they attempted to flee Gaza; the Israeli-Arab truck driver who plowed into a group of people as a participant of the conflict; and Ismael Haniyeh Israeli-Arab sister, who is still jailed essentially for having the wrong brother. And there are doubtlessly other cases of suppression and conflict of Arabs in Israel, that most democratic of all our Middle Eastern allies.

  4. Kennan says

    November 1, 2024 at 11:22 am

    “ISRAME “ conflict is a perfect way to align our country with the obvious. To put the weight and responsibility squarely where it belongs. To remind the world that the extreme ramifications of what we see today in Gaza that was born from 76 years of forced expulsion and 57 years of occupation.
    Gazza has exploded to the most violent” Crescendo” Imaginable. The US role and responsibility in what can logically only be described as” Mass genocide” Cannot be ignored.
    It is laughable to call” Israel the most stabilizing Force in the Middle East”. The most stabilizing force has killed 50,000 civilians in Gaza, although we know the number is much much higher. The most stabilizing force has killed upwards of 30,000 women and children. More than 700 under a year old. The most stabilizing force has destroyed every hospital, mosque, refugee camp, and school around. the most stabilizing force turned lights and water off from day one to starve Gazza. The most stabilizing force in the Middle East has killed over 150 journalists, 200 UN workers and blocked humanitarian aid to Palestinians with the help of secretary of state Anthony Blinken. The most stabilizing force has called.”UNRWA”, A UN relief organization, a terrorist harborer. A lie. A lie that Israel, desperately hopes justifies so many of their genocidal, war, criminal, and ethnic cleansing acts. It doesn’t.
    The moniker ISRAME attempts to keep America’s “eye on the ball” and collar an otherwise Short attention span when it comes to the Middle East. It reminds us of our involvement and ultimately our complicity and “irresponsibility “ in recognizing our “responsibility “.

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